The Hidden History of Saudi Arabia's Political Economy: Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats
Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats: Oil and the State in Saudi Arabia downloads torrent
If you are interested in learning more about the history, politics, and economy of Saudi Arabia, one of the most influential countries in the Middle East and the world, you should definitely read this book. Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats: Oil and the State in Saudi Arabia is a fascinating and insightful study by Steffen Hertog, a professor of comparative politics at the London School of Economics. In this article, I will give you a brief overview of what the book is about, why it is important to read, and how to download it for free.
Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats: Oil and the State in Saudi Arabia downloads torrent
What is the book about?
The book is based on Hertog's doctoral dissertation, which he completed in 2007. It is a comprehensive analysis of how oil has shaped the state and society in Saudi Arabia since its discovery in 1938. The book focuses on three main groups of actors: princes, brokers, and bureaucrats. Princes are the members of the ruling Al Saud family, who have monopolized political power and wealth in the kingdom. Brokers are the intermediaries who connect the princes with various segments of society, such as tribal leaders, religious scholars, businessmen, and professionals. Bureaucrats are the civil servants who run the state institutions and implement public policies.
The book examines how these three groups have interacted with each other over time, creating a complex web of patronage networks and political alliances that have sustained the stability and legitimacy of the regime. It also explores how these networks have affected the development of various sectors of the economy, such as oil, industry, agriculture, finance, education, health, and media. The book argues that oil has enabled the Saudi state to become a powerful rentier state that relies on external sources of income rather than domestic taxation or production. This has had profound implications for the nature and direction of state-society relations in Saudi Arabia.
Why is it important to read?
The book is important to read for several reasons. First, it provides a rich empirical account of how oil has shaped Saudi Arabia's history from its inception to its present day. It draws on a wide range of sources, such as archival documents, official statistics, interviews, memoirs, newspapers, magazines, books, and websites. It covers many aspects of Saudi society that are often overlooked or misunderstood by outsiders, such as tribalism, sectarianism, regionalism, gender relations, civil society, media freedom, political opposition, and social movements.
Second, it offers a comparative perspective that situates Saudi Arabia within its regional and global context. It compares Saudi Arabia with other oil-producing countries in the Middle East and beyond, such as Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Oman, Libya, Algeria, Nigeria, and Venezuela. It shows how different oil-producing countries have developed different political and economic systems, depending on their historical, cultural, and institutional factors. It also shows how Saudi Arabia has influenced and been influenced by the international oil market, the global economy, and the geopolitics of the region.
Third, it develops a theoretical framework that explains how oil affects state-society relations in rentier states. It builds on the existing literature on rentier states, which argues that oil revenues allow states to avoid taxation, reduce accountability, and weaken civil society. It also challenges some of the assumptions and limitations of this literature, such as the homogeneity of rentier states, the inevitability of authoritarianism, and the neglect of agency and contingency. It proposes a more nuanced and dynamic approach that takes into account the diversity and complexity of rentier states, the possibility of political change and reform, and the role of human actors and choices.
How to download it for free?
If you are convinced that this book is worth reading, you might be wondering how to get your hands on it. The good news is that you can download it for free from the internet. The bad news is that you might have to do some digging to find a reliable and safe source. Here are some tips to help you out:
First, you can try searching for the book's title on Google or any other search engine. You might find some websites that offer free downloads of the book in PDF or EPUB format. However, be careful not to click on any suspicious links or ads that might infect your device with malware or viruses. Also, check the quality and authenticity of the file before downloading it. Some files might be corrupted, incomplete, or fake.
Second, you can try looking for the book on some online libraries or repositories that specialize in academic books and articles. Some examples are Library Genesis, Sci-Hub, Z-Library, Open Library, Project Gutenberg, and Internet Archive. These websites usually have a large collection of books and articles that you can access for free. However, be aware that some of these websites might be blocked or restricted in some countries due to copyright issues. Also, some of these websites might require registration or donation to access their content.
Third, you can try asking for the book from someone who already has it or knows where to get it. You can use social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Reddit, Quora, or LinkedIn to post your request or join relevant groups or communities. You might find some generous people who are willing to share their copy of the book with you or direct you to a trustworthy source. However, be respectful and polite when asking for help and do not spam or harass anyone.
Hopefully, these tips will help you find and download the book for free. However, if you still cannot find it or prefer to have a physical copy of it, you can always buy it from online or offline bookstores. The book is published by Cornell University Press and costs around $30 for the paperback edition and $15 for the Kindle edition.
The historical background of oil and the state in Saudi Arabia
The discovery and development of oil in Saudi Arabia
The story of oil in Saudi Arabia begins in 1933 when King Abdulaziz Al Saud (also known as Ibn Saud), the founder of the modern Saudi state, signed a concession agreement with Standard Oil Company of California (Socal), later known as Chevron. The agreement gave Socal exclusive rights to explore and exploit oil resources in Saudi Arabia for 60 years in exchange for an annual payment of 35,000 gold sovereigns (about $170,000 at that time). Socal formed a subsidiary company called California-Arabian Standard Oil Company (Casoc), later known as Aramco (Arabian American Oil Company), to carry out the operations.
After several years of exploration and drilling, Casoc struck oil in 1938 at Dammam No. 7 well (also known as Prosperity Well) in the eastern province of Saudi Arabia. This was followed by more discoveries in other fields such as Abqaiq, Ghawar, Safaniya, Shaybah, and Khurais. By 1949, Saudi Arabia became the largest oil producer in the world with an output of over one million barrels per day (bpd). By 1970, Saudi Arabia reached its peak production of over 10 million bpd.
The development of oil in Saudi Arabia was not only an economic boon but also a strategic asset. During World War II, Saudi Arabia supplied oil to the Allied forces against Nazi Germany and Japan. During the Cold War, The emergence and evolution of the Saudi state
The discovery and development of oil in Saudi Arabia coincided with the emergence and evolution of the Saudi state. The Saudi state was founded in 1932 by King Abdulaziz Al Saud, who unified the various tribes and regions of the Arabian Peninsula under his rule. He established a monarchy based on his family's lineage and a political system based on Islamic law and tribal customs. He also forged a close alliance with the Wahhabi movement, a conservative branch of Sunni Islam that provided religious legitimacy and support for his rule.
The Saudi state faced many challenges and threats in its early years, such as border disputes with neighboring countries, internal rebellions by dissident groups, and external interventions by foreign powers. However, with the help of oil revenues and military assistance from the United States and Britain, the Saudi state managed to overcome these challenges and consolidate its authority and sovereignty. The Saudi state also embarked on a series of modernization and development projects that transformed the country from a poor and backward society to a wealthy and advanced one. These projects included building roads, railways, airports, ports, dams, schools, hospitals, factories, refineries, pipelines, and cities.
The Saudi state also underwent several political and institutional changes over time. These changes included the creation of a cabinet, a consultative council, a basic law, a succession system, a national guard, a central bank, a national oil company, and various ministries and agencies. These changes aimed to improve the governance and administration of the country and to cope with the growing demands and expectations of the population. However, these changes did not alter the fundamental nature of the Saudi state as a monarchy that ruled by decree and without popular participation or accountability.
The role of princes, brokers, and bureaucrats in shaping the state-society relations
The development of oil and the state in Saudi Arabia also affected the role of princes, brokers, and bureaucrats in shaping the state-society relations. Princes are the members of the ruling Al Saud family, who have monopolized political power and wealth in the kingdom. There are thousands of princes in Saudi Arabia, but only a few hold key positions in the government, the military, the security forces, and the oil sector. Princes have used their influence and resources to distribute patronage and favors to their loyal followers and clients, such as tribal leaders, religious scholars, businessmen, and professionals. Princes have also competed with each other for power and prestige within the royal family and have formed factions and coalitions based on their interests and ideologies.
Brokers are the intermediaries who connect the princes with various segments of society, such as tribal leaders, religious scholars, businessmen, and professionals. Brokers have played an important role in facilitating communication and cooperation between the state and society. Brokers have also acted as representatives and advocates for their constituencies and have negotiated their demands and grievances with the state. Brokers have also benefited from their connections with the princes and have amassed wealth and status in society.
Bureaucrats are the civil servants who run the state institutions and implement public policies. Bureaucrats have played an important role in managing and regulating the economy, the society, and the public services. Bureaucrats have also acted as experts and advisors for the princes and have provided them with information and analysis. Bureaucrats have also benefited from their positions in the state and have enjoyed privileges and protections.
The interaction between these three groups has created a complex web of patronage networks and political alliances that have sustained the stability and legitimacy of the regime. However, these networks have also generated problems and challenges for the regime, such as corruption, inefficiency, inequality, dependency, and resentment.
The main arguments and contributions of the book
The concept of oil rents and rentier states
One of the main arguments and contributions of the book is to introduce and apply the concept of oil rents and rentier states to explain how oil affects state-society relations in Saudi Arabia. Oil rents are defined as "income accruing to a country from natural resources that are not produced through factors of production owned by that country" (Hertog 2010: 17). Rentier states are defined as "states that receive on a regular basis substantial amounts of external rent" (Beblawi 1987: 51).
The book argues that oil rents have enabled the Saudi state to become a powerful rentier state that relies on external sources of income rather than domestic taxation or production. This has had profound implications for the nature and direction of state-society relations in Saudi Arabia. The book identifies four main implications:
First, oil rents have allowed the Saudi state to avoid taxation and reduce accountability. The Saudi state does not need to tax its citizens to finance its expenditures and can afford to provide generous subsidies and services to its population. This reduces the pressure and incentive for the state to be accountable and responsive to its citizens and to allow them to participate in political decision-making.
Second, oil rents have enabled the Saudi state to distribute patronage and co-opt opposition. The Saudi state can use its oil revenues to distribute patronage and favors to various segments of society, such as tribal leaders, religious scholars, businessmen, and professionals. This creates a loyal and dependent clientele that supports the regime and discourages dissent and opposition.
Third, oil rents have influenced the Saudi state to pursue economic diversification and social reform. The Saudi state recognizes the need to diversify its economy away from oil dependence and to reform its society to cope with the challenges of modernization and globalization. However, the Saudi state faces many obstacles and constraints in achieving these goals, such as resistance from conservative forces, lack of human capital, institutional inefficiency, and external shocks.
Fourth, oil rents have shaped the Saudi state's foreign policy and regional role. The Saudi state uses its oil wealth and influence to pursue its interests and objectives in the region and the world. The Saudi state seeks to maintain its security and stability, protect its oil interests, promote its religious and ideological agenda, counter its rivals and enemies, and support its allies and friends.
The dynamics of patronage networks and political alliances
Another main argument and contribution of the book is to analyze and illustrate the dynamics of patronage networks and political alliances that have emerged and evolved in Saudi Arabia as a result of oil development. The book argues that patronage networks and political alliances are not static or fixed, but rather dynamic and fluid. They change over time and space, depending on various factors, such as economic conditions, political events, social trends, and personal preferences.
The book examines how patronage networks and political alliances have changed in three historical periods: the early oil era (1938-1962), the oil boom era (1962-1986), and the post-oil boom era (1986-present). The book shows how these periods have witnessed different patterns and shifts in patronage networks and political alliances among princes, brokers, and bureaucrats.
In the early oil era, the book argues that patronage networks and political alliances were relatively simple and centralized. The king was the dominant figure who controlled the oil revenues and distributed them among his sons, brothers, and loyal followers. The king also relied on a few key brokers, such as tribal leaders, religious scholars, and foreign advisors, to connect him with society and secure his legitimacy. The bureaucracy was weak and subordinate to the royal family.
In the oil boom era, the book argues that patronage networks and political alliances became more complex and decentralized. The king faced challenges and competition from his sons, brothers, and nephews, who gained more power and autonomy in their respective domains. The king also had to deal with a more diverse and demanding society, which included new groups of brokers, such as businessmen, professionals, intellectuals, and activists. The bureaucracy also grew stronger and more influential in managing and regulating the economy and society.
In the post-oil boom era, the book argues that patronage networks and political alliances became more unstable and uncertain. The king faced crises and threats from internal and external sources, such as succession disputes, economic downturns, social unrest, regional conflicts, and international pressures. The king also had to cope with a more complex and dynamic society, which included new challenges and opportunities from globalization, technology, media, education, and migration. The bureaucracy also faced problems and reforms in improving its performance and accountability.
The challenges of economic diversification and social reform
and contribution of the book is to explore and evaluate the challenges of economic diversification and social reform that the Saudi state and society face in the post-oil boom era. The book argues that economic diversification and social reform are essential and inevitable for the future of Saudi Arabia, but they also entail risks and trade-offs that need to be carefully managed and balanced.
The book examines how the Saudi state and society have attempted to diversify their economy away from oil dependence and to reform their society to cope with the demands and expectations of modernization and globalization. The book shows how these attempts have involved various initiatives and measures, such as privatization, liberalization, industrialization, education, health, media, women's rights, human rights, and political participation.
The book evaluates how these initiatives and measures have achieved some successes and failures in promoting economic diversification and social reform in Saudi Arabia. The book identifies some of the factors that have facilitated or hindered these outcomes, such as political will, economic resources, institutional capacity, social norms, cultural values, religious beliefs, external influences, and unforeseen events.
The book also discusses how these initiatives and measures have generated some benefits and costs for the Saudi state and society. The book highlights some of the trade-offs that have emerged or might emerge as a result of economic diversification and social reform in Saudi Arabia, such as efficiency versus equity, stability versus change, tradition versus innovation, unity versus diversity, security versus freedom, and sovereignty versus integration.
The strengths and weaknesses of the book
The rich empirical data and analysis
One of the strengths of the book is its rich empirical data and analysis. The book draws on a wide range of sources, such as archival documents, official statistics, interviews, memoirs, newspapers, magazines, books, and websites. The book covers many aspects of Saudi society that are often overlooked or misunderstood by outsiders, such as tribalism, sectarianism, regionalism, gender relations, civil society, media freedom, political opposition, and social movements. The book also provides many examples and anecdotes that illustrate and support its arguments and claims.
However, one of the weaknesses of the book is its reliance on secondary sources and limited access to primary sources. The book acknowledges that it faces many challenges and constraints in obtaining reliable and accurate information about Saudi Arabia, such as censorship, secrecy, propaganda,